Friday, April 6, 2012

I'm Interviewed on Israel: An Introduction, and on Current Middle East Developments

By Barry Rubin

Interview in the Daily Caller:

1.) What makes Israel: An Introduction different from the other introductions to Israel on the market? What makes the book unique?

Actually, I don’t think there is a single book that provides a comprehensive explanation of Israel’s land, people, history, society, economy, politics, and culture. What we have had are two types of books: those on the Arab-Israeli conflict, including those by journalists who didn’t know the language or much about the country, on one hand, and impressionistic books written by people who visit for a few weeks and write mostly on the conflict, emphasizing interviews with extremists on both ends and often making ludicrous mistakes. There has never been a book about the actual country and the real people who live there.

I say that because there is no country in the world that foreigners think they know more about but really know less about than Israel. So this book is written based on the work on insiders and is comprehensive. What is very pleasing is that so many people have learned a lot by reading Israel: An Introduction.

2.) What are the key themes that readers should take away from it?

The most important theme is one that was once central but has generally been forgotten: Israel is a remarkable success story. We should remember the difficulties it faced in transforming a land without resources, surviving so much hostility, and turning a people with many differences and no military or governmental experience into a stable and prosperous democratic nation.

A second theme is the creation of a unique society—simultaneously diverse and united--mixing Jewish religious, Jewish historical, both eastern and western European, Middle Eastern, and Mediterranean influences. There are many surprises that belie the stereotypes.

I also think Israel is interesting as a variant of modern, Western, democratic society. True, Israel has been in some ways a canary in the coal mine for the world, though the cave-in has long since happened. But it is also a model for something else. This is why Israel is so important and interesting for Western Christians, Africans, and Asians. It is also one of the reasons why Israel is so hated by some sectors among Western elites. Israel is a nation-state at a time when that is unfashionable; melds religion into the national character when anti-religious views are held by Western elites, and is ready to defend itself at a time when self-defense is viewed as being close to immoral. While the foundation was laid by democratic socialism, prosperity was later created by jettisoning statism and turning toward free enterprise.

In a real sense, Israel is the Western radical left’s worse nightmare—and that applies to the Jews among them. That’s why they must slander it and try to ensure its delegitimation, failure, and even destruction. Of course, that effort will fail.

3.) You have previously written that you don’t believe Israel will attack Iran’s nuclear facilities? Do you still believe that? Or do you think that Prime Minister Netanyahu is now seriously considering a strike?

Not exactly. What I have written is that there was never a possibility that Israel would attack Iran now, meaning 2012. There is a high possibility of an attack in the 2013-2015 period. I was explaining an attack wasn't going to happen at a time when virtually everyone in the world was saying the opposite. Now it is clear that my assessment was correct. I only mention this as a matter of credibility in judging future analyses.

4.) Do Israelis trust President Obama to have their back, as he recently declared he did?
Ha. Of course not. And everyone knows it even though they need to be polite in public since Israel must deal with the president that American people elected.

5.) Do you believe a nuclear Iran is an existential threat to Israel?

Of course it is an existential threat. The question is whether that threat can be dealt with by means other than by an Israeli attack to prevent Iran from getting nuclear weapons.

I believe that there is a better alternative strategy which is a U.S.-backed Israeli ability to attack Tehran’s facilities if it needed to do so along with a real credible containment and a multi-level defensive system to make such a need to attack less necessary.

Let’s remember by the way that when the Democratic Party’s single largest contributor asked Senator Hillary Clinton what she would do in the face of an Iranian nuclear threat to attack Iran she said she would flatten them. Senator Barack Obama said he would study the matter. Obama’ weakness and waste of time has made things much worse and has made a future war more, not less, likely.

6.) What do you think have been President Obama’s greatest weaknesses handling the crises in the Middle East that have arisen during his tenure?

His misunderstanding of the situation and romance with anti-American, antisemitic revolutionary Islamists. His embrace of the Islamist regime in Turkey. His slowness and uncertainty in countering Iran’s growing power, with the conventional and subversive means used by Tehran being as dangerous as nuclear weapons. His failure to support Israel and his making the diplomatic peace process worse. It is a very long list.

7.) How should the U.S. handle the turmoil in Egypt? Should the U.S. cut off aid to Egypt?

It is too late in many respects. Obama should have followed the State Department’s proposal to support Mubarak’s ouster and a careful transition back in January-February 2011. Then, instead of working with the army and the moderates, the U.S. government embraced the Muslim Brotherhood and the media falsely presented that group as moderate.

As of now, it is too early to cut off military aid. The army is not the real enemy and there is no evidence it won’t turn over power to civilians. At this point, aid should be continued to prevent the army from collapsing or being radicalized. But at some time in the future the U.S. government will probably have to threaten credibly to cut off aid in response to Egyptian government behavior and might actually have to stop the aid.

But the U.S. government needs to recognize the threat of Islamism in Egypt and the fact that the Brotherhood is its main enemy. It needs to support three forces: the anti-Islamist Arab states, notably Saudi Arabia and Jordan; Israel; and the real democratic and anti-Islamist forces in Iran, Lebanon, Syria, Turkey, and elsewhere.

8.) What do you think of American commentators like MJ Rosenberg and Peter Beinart, as well as groups like J Street, focusing on Israeli settlements as if they are the number one issue preventing peace between Israel and its neighbors?

For the first time in history, there is a well-financed, systematic campaign to try to destroy American Jewish support for Israel. The Israeli government has not backed the establishment of a single new settlement or the geographic expansion of any existing settlement since 1993. And if the Palestinian leadership had accepted a two-state solution in 2000 almost all of the settlements would have been dismantled years ago, just as happened in the Gaza Strip. So blaming everything on the settlements—absurd to anyone with a real knowledge of the situation—is an effort to avoid confronting the Palestinian and widespread Arab and Muslim rejection of Israel’s existence. That’s what blocked peace before there were any settlements, still does today, and will continue to do so for a long time to come.

9.) Any plans to write another book? If so, about what?

My next book is already completed and I think it is going to have a big impact. It is entitled, Nazis, Islamists and the Making of the Modern Middle East, written with Dr. Wolfgang Schwanitz, and based on newly released CIA and never before translated German documents. Basically, it shows how the alliance was stronger and more important than previously understood and also how individuals, ideologies, and groups that collaborated with the Axis have ruled the Arabic-speaking world for the last sixty years and will continue to do so in the current Islamist wave.


Barry Rubin is director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and editor of the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal. His book, Israel: An Introduction, has just been published by Yale University Press. Other recent books include The Israel-Arab Reader (seventh edition), The Long War for Freedom: The Arab Struggle for Democracy in the Middle East (Wiley), and The Truth About Syria (Palgrave-Macmillan). The website of the GLORIA Center  and of his blog, Rubin Reports. His original articles are published at PJMedia.

Why is the Political Situation so Bleak? Because the Elite Fears Being Unfashionable More Than Being Wrong

“In the attics of the students, in the garrets of Bohemia, and the deserted offices of doctors without patients and lawyers without clients there are [the revolutionaries] in bud." --Hippolyte Taine, writing about France in the 1860s

"We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it." --Patrick Henry to the Virginia convention, March 23, 1775

By Barry Rubin

How do you turn "the smartest people in the world" into the dumbest people in the world? Simple. You turn the sophisticated sources of information on which they depend--elite media, academia, and schools--into sources of misinformation.

And how do you persuade people who should know better to embrace bad ideas and silly concepts? Equally simple. You make those ideas fashionable.

One of the girls in my son’s sixth-grade class told him he would look better if he wore blue jeans. After he explained to me that this is what the other kids in his class are wearing, I took him shopping and bought him a couple of pairs. He wore them the next day at school and a kid said, “Hey, look, Daniel is wearing blue jeans!” And they applauded.

But why, he asked me afterward, does it matter so much what someone wears? After all, that’s just a superficial outer appearance. I was proud of him for asking that question which showed that he valued character over superficial image but explained that these things are important because they send social signals. Most people really don’t know how to evaluate someone in terms of their character and values. They lack  the time or ability to do so. Thus, they look at  symbols like clothes, haircuts, and the kind of car someone drives, or their credentials, like college degrees, in order to judge others.

Which reminds me that once I was in the elevator of a fashionable Manhattan high-rise holding take-out coffee for myself and my wife. I was informally dressed and wearing a Baltimore Orioles cap. One woman in the elevator turned to another and said, "I didn't know Starbucks delivers!"

Indeed, fashion may be the greatest enemy of survival for America today. Holding a certain set of ideas has been defined as making one seem sophisticated, successful, and admirable. Other ideas are deemed horrible, indicating that the person is a hick, rube, bumpkin, yahoo, racist, or, in short, the kind of person who hates others because they are different and clings to guns and religion.


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One of the great successes of leftism (pretending to be liberalism) in North America and Europe today is that it has made itself so fashionable, so identified with sophistication, intellectual quality, and what used to be called the upper class. Not the old upper class of country clubs and yachts (though Senator John Kerry has a whopper of one a boat) but the upper class of merit, the truly good, who hate racism and are saving the earth.

Funny how many of these people are quite wealthy themselves. The message is: My money and success is justified by my holding proper attitudes. Al Gore may have a big house and a big carbon footprint but that's okay because he talks about how these things are evil.

The true class warfare going on is not that of the one percent reactionary, greedy rich versus the ninety-nine percent of everyone else but rather a section of the elite that benefits from big government, in supposed alliance with those receiving government payments plus various groups given special privileges, against everyone else. The revolutionaries are no longer, in Taine's words about nineteenth century France, "doctors without patients and lawyers without clients" but rather those who would be without patients, clients, or employment if not for the government's patronage.

Click here to read the entire article


Barry Rubin is director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and editor of the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal. His book, Israel: An Introduction, has just been published by Yale University Press. Other recent books include The Israel-Arab Reader (seventh edition), The Long War for Freedom: The Arab Struggle for Democracy in the Middle East (Wiley), and The Truth About Syria (Palgrave-Macmillan). The website of the GLORIA Center  and of his blog, Rubin Reports. His original articles are published at PJMedia.


Wednesday, April 4, 2012

U.S. Government and Media Cheer Muslim Brotherhood Regime in Egypt

By Barry Rubin 

A year ago we were told that Egypt was going to become a moderate democratic state ruled by hip Facebook kids. Now we are told that we should be grateful that Egypt is going to become a moderate Islamist republic ruled by the Muslim Brotherhood.

The Western media and governments have made terrible mistakes that will destabilize the Middle East even more for the rest of our lives;  make tens of millions of people oppressed; tens of thousands of people flee their countries;  and thousands of people die. 

Here is the prime example of that situation at this moment.

As the Muslim Brotherhood openly bids for a monopoly of power in Egypt, the U.S. government is once again supporting the Brotherhood rather than the moderates or army. The Muslim Brotherhood, you see, is supposedly fighting the Salafists so they are the “good Islamists.” It is like backing a Stalinist Communist Party to keep the Trotskyites out of power, even though the former group is the real threat.

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The Muslim Brotherhood, breaking previous promises, is running a candidate for president of Egypt, Deputy Supreme Guide Khairat el-Shater. Shater wasn’t even at the press conference announcing his candidacy. Supreme Guide Muhammad al-Badie—the true architect of Egypt’s 2011 revolution, though few in the West understand this--read a letter by Shater saying he was merely complying with the Brotherhood’s decision.

“We decided that Egypt now needs a candidate from us,” said Mohamed el-Morsi, president the Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party. But he added, “We have no desire at all to monopolize power.”

As for not seeking to monopolize power, that’s what the Brotherhood said as the explanation when it was only running candidates for a small portion of seats, then half, then every one, all the time explaining that it wasn’t running a candidate for president because it didn’t want a  monopoly on power.

How can the Brotherhood hold the presidency, control parliament, and write the constitution, and still not have a monopoly on power?


To read the entire article click here.



Barry Rubin is director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and editor of the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal. His book, Israel: An Introduction, has just been published by Yale University Press. Other recent books include The Israel-Arab Reader (seventh edition), The Long War for Freedom: The Arab Struggle for Democracy in the Middle East (Wiley), and The Truth About Syria (Palgrave-Macmillan). The website of the GLORIA Center  and of his blog, Rubin Reports. His original articles are published at PJMedia.

Monday, April 2, 2012

Does the West Have to be so Weak on Syria...and Everywhere Else?

By Barry Rubin

They’ve been saying it in Arabic in public for most of President Barack Obama’s term in office.  The leader of the Muslim Brotherhood said it  in August 2010, giving that weakness as a reason for launching a revolution. But the American mass media has ignored it all.

Well, now we have leaked Syrian regime  internal documents that make the same point. In talking points for President Bashar al-Assad prepared by his staff, and given him on December 31, 2011, he is told to warn pro-Arab Western countries:

“America has started to leave our region and there will be no ally left to you but your Syrian neighbor.”

And Iran, of course, but Assad didn’t want to mention his non-Arab ally.

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This is the line from Iran and Syria, the Muslim Brotherhood (including Hamas) and Hizballah. Saudis say it in public now; Israeli leaders say it in private. Opposition activists say it in Lebanon, Iran, and Turkey; opposition fighters say it in Syria.

The Egyptian regime knows that it can indict 16 Americans, including the son of a U.S. cabinet member, on espionage charges and Obama will still provide its aid and, in reaching a deal to let them leave the country, $4 million in American ransom will be paid.
The message is:

You can’t depend on America to be a firm ally and you can depend on America not to be a tough enemy. The U.S. position in the region is eroding away.


Barry Rubin is director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and editor of the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal. His book, Israel: An Introduction, has just been published by Yale University Press. Other recent books include The Israel-Arab Reader (seventh edition), The Long War for Freedom: The Arab Struggle for Democracy in the Middle East (Wiley), and The Truth About Syria (Palgrave-Macmillan). The website of the GLORIA Center  and of his blog, Rubin Reports. His original articles are published at PJMedia.

Sunday, April 1, 2012

Being an Israeli and a Jew in 2012: Let's Face Reality Without Illusion, Shrug, and Move Forward

By Barry Rubin

It is the year 2012, which seems to be going by very fast and is already one-fourth finished. People are walking around with smart phones and all sorts of electronic devices undreamed of not long ago. There has been what is called an “Arab Spring” stoking fantasies about instant democracy. An African-American was elected president of the United States, and that was after his party’s nomination, and thus probably the White House, almost went to a woman!

Times have changed.

Yet the hysterical hatred for Israel in the Arabic-speaking world and among Muslims in general has only increased; the philosophy of rejectionism is as strong or even stronger than ever.  Indeed, it is no longer safe, and certainly isn’t comfortable, for Jews in much of Europe and even, for those who support Israel, on American college campuses.

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Two examples of how the lynch mobs are out in force in places where formerly they were least present.

In previously moderate Tunisia, now under Muslim Brotherhood rule, thousands of Salafists paraded, chanting to kill the Jews in order to enter paradise. The new Tunisian constitution contains a provision that the country could never recognize Israel. Almost a half-century ago, Tunisia’s then leader was the first Arab politician to call for recognizing Israel. We’re still waiting.

In Morocco, perhaps the overall most moderate country in the Arabic-speaking world, a meeting of the Mediterranean Parliamentary Union was held. Israel, which has a parliamentary system and is on the Mediterranean (I can see the sea from my roof), is a member of this group. Consequently one Israeli attended the meeting. The result was a riot in which thousands of Moroccans assaulted the building and the leader of the ruling Islamist party complained at how the country's soil had been tainted.

I won’t bother citing a thousand other examples. But with the triumph of revolutionary Islamists and the throwing down the memory hole of decades of disastrous Arab anti-Israel policies--forgetting all of the lessons of earlier decades--the Arabic-speaking world is becoming more radical on this issue. It is now joined by Turkey and Iran.
They hate us; they despise us; they want to kill us.

Yawn.

In this situation there is a strong temptation for Westerners to say that if only Israel didn’t exist (radical version) or if it made huge concessions (liberal version) then all of the problems in the Middle East would go away and all the region’s conflicts with the West would go away, too.

And in this situation there is a strong temptation for Western Jews to say that if only Israel made more concessions on territory or tore down the settlements there would be peace; hate would turn into love or at least benign indifference, and all the problems of the Jews would go away.

And in this situation there is a total temptation for Western leftists—including a disproportionate number of Jews among them—that if only Israel disappeared or made huge concessions then socialist utopia would come speedily in our time.

In fact, for the first time in history we are seeing a concerted, well-funded campaign to destroy the base of support for Israel among American Jews. It is rather ironic that this is happening in 2012.
After all, Israel withdrew from the Sinai Peninsula, southern Lebanon, the Gaza Strip, and parts of the West Bank. Since 1993, Israel has not established a single new settlement nor expanded the geographic size of existing settlements. Israeli governments offered (twelve years ago!) to accept a Palestinian state in all of the Gaza Strip, almost all of the West Bank, and in much of east Jerusalem.

And so on.

Now we are told by the highly publicized and very smug that if only there is an economic boycott of settlements, Israel will be saved.

We are not told that if only there is a willingness among Arabs and Muslims to make peace, plus the total defeat of the revolutionary Islamists, peace is far more likely to be achieved.

That real solution has two differences from the first one:

--There is literally nothing we can do, no concession or risk we can take, that would bring about that outcome.

--Thus, we do not have the power in our hands to resolve this conflict. We can stand up, sit down, walk by the way, or return to the 1967 borders and it won’t matter.

About 25 years ago, I was convulsed with laughter when covering a Palestine National Council meeting in Algeria while watching a young American Jewish Peace Now kid try to explain to a group of Fatah guys that they really did just want a state of their own to live alongside Israel. They kept explaining to him that this wasn’t the way they thought at all. They wanted “all of Palestine from the river to the sea.”

This well-meaning boob thought he knew better than the Palestinians what was their actual political stance.

It is not comforting to acknowledge that there simply isn’t going to be any formal peace agreement or end of the conflict. I won’t say “never” but I’m pretty sure for the next 30 to 50 years, and somewhat less certain for the rest of this century.   

But, of course, in time antisemitism in Europe went away—oops! It didn’t, but you know what I mean.

Does saying these things make me “right-wing”? Not at all. It is also the consensus position of the great majority of left-of-center Israelis and it should be the position of liberal Jews in other countries. The whole point is that this is not a matter of our will or preference or program but something that is being forced upon us.

Sure, I want a two-state solution, but not as a launching pad for the next round of would-be genocide. I want the ideal solution of peace and good neighborhood but I don’t expect that is going to happen. Not my fault; not our fault.  

Let’s face reality, stop blaming ourselves, and get on with our lives. Let us improve Israel's society, economy, and culture. Of course, let’s also defend ourselves. Let us try to preserve as much as possible of the rapidly disappearing Jewish people. And if you want to boycott someone, why not start with those who insist on remaining our enemies and who would like to murder us?
Makes sense to me. 

PS: In this sermon Rabbi Ammiel Hirsch says all these things in a very articulate and persuasive manner. You can also read my more detailed assessment of the blame-Israel-pretending-to-support-it-while-trying to subvert-its-existence crowd and those innocent and well-meaning people fooled by them.

A different version of this article was published in the Jerusalem Post. Please read and link to my version above.    
     
Barry Rubin is director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and editor of the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal. His book, Israel: An Introduction, has just been published by Yale University Press. Other recent books include The Israel-Arab Reader (seventh edition), The Long War for Freedom: The Arab Struggle for Democracy in the Middle East (Wiley), and The Truth About Syria (Palgrave-Macmillan). The website of the GLORIA Center  and of his blog, Rubin Reports. His original articles are published at PJMedia.