By Barry Rubin
The Book of Esther, which is read on
Purim and to which that holiday is dedicated, has been interpreted many ways.
Yet there is much to be understood by analyzing the story in terms of political
ideology and strategy.
Ahasuerus is the powerful king over
Persia and much more. He holds a banquet and invites the leaders of all of the
provinces to come in order to wield together his diverse empire by showing his
wealth, strength, generosity, and bringing together his political elite in
terms of fellowship and equality with each other.
While drunk, he orders Queen Vashti
to come to the banquet to display herself. She refuses, for unspecified
reasons, and his advisors urge him to depose her and select a new queen. A young
Jewish woman, Esther, is among the candidates. Urged by her uncle Mordecai, she
conceals her religiosity-ethnicity, enters the competition, and eventually
wins.
At this point, the story introduces
a new theme. The king makes Haman prime minister. Mordecai, for unspecified
reasons, refuses to bow to him. On discovering Mordecai is a Jew, Haman
resolves to destroy all the Jews in the empire.
The story provides a sophisticated
analysis of antisemitism:
First, Haman’s antagonism toward all
Jews springs from a personal and psychological conflict. This has often been true in history including today.
Second, that conflict is then
dressed up in political language to justify it to the ruling authority and the
masses.
Third, Haman provides the classic, statement of non-theological antisemitism that could easily fit into the nineteenth
and twentieth century and even today, mirroring the kinds of things hinted for
example by nominee for secretary of defense Chuck Hagel. Haman explained:
“There is a certain people,
scattered and dispersed among the other peoples…of your realm, whose laws are
different from those of any other people and who do not obey the king’s law,
and it is not in your majesty’s interest to tolerate them.”
In other words, the Jews comprise
what would later be called a separate national group. It is impossible to
assimilate them; they are disloyal due to dual loyalty; and despite their
apparent weakness they plot against you.
I'm sure that Hagel is not antisemitic in any conscious way yet he echoes the same themes that Haman used. Haman might have said that he was not a "Jewish" minister but a "Persian" minister, who would not bow down to the Jewish lobby whose interests subverted those of the nation.
A contemporary problem in understanding antisemitism today is that hegemonic political, intellectual, and informational forces in the West want to measure antisemitism by conscious intent and not by the use of well-worn historical (these are even in the Bible!) themes, though that is precisely the criterion that they do use in examining just about any other sort of bigotry. They also begin by excluded all non-Western populations from possibly being antisemitic. But Haman was residing in a non-Western society.
Fourth, antagonism against the Jews camouflages
a desire to loot their wealth, in other words material gain.
The king agrees—after all, his most
trusted courtier has just told him it’s a kill or be killed situation—and issues the
decree for genocide.
In contradiction to these claims of Haman is
Mordecai’s good citizenship. This would later become a major theme of Jewish assimilation—I
don’t use the latter word in a pejorative sense here—that Jews must prove they
are the best, most loyal citizens. Mordecai saves the king by uncovering a real
plot against him. By his example, Mordecai shows Jews are not subversives and
disloyal.
Yet Mordecai's good behavior is useless if the king doesn't know about it. Suppose mass media existed and hadn't covered Mordecai's behavior but reported on all of Haman's speeches?
Yet Mordecai's good behavior is useless if the king doesn't know about it. Suppose mass media existed and hadn't covered Mordecai's behavior but reported on all of Haman's speeches?
Especially remarkable is the behavior
of Esther. Warned of Haman’s plan, Esther wants to do nothing lest she place herself at risk. After all, she
is a fully “assimilated,” even hidden, Jew. But Mordecai reminds her: Do not
imagine that you will escape because of your high position.
It’s easy to suggest that this can
be compared to the Nazi desire to kill all Jews on a “racial” basis. But there
are many types of such situations. What’s especially interesting is that Esther’s
situation shows how individual Jews can try to set themselves apart to be immune or even
prosper from persecutions: converted Jews against steadfast ones in medieval
times; “Modernized, semi-assimilated Jews against traditionalist immigrants in
America and Western Europe; and anti-Israel Jews against pro-Israel ones and
Israel itself today.
What if Esther was not such a good person, or didn't have Mordecai to advise her? What if she knew that she would not be punished but in fact could benefit from remaining silent or even joining into the denunciation of the Jews of the day? Suppose she could have redefined the situation to say that there were in fact good, pro-Persian Empire Jews as opposed to those bad Jews who wanted to return from exile in the Persian Empire to the Land of Israel, from which her great-great-grandfather had been taken as prisoner?
What if Esther was not such a good person, or didn't have Mordecai to advise her? What if she knew that she would not be punished but in fact could benefit from remaining silent or even joining into the denunciation of the Jews of the day? Suppose she could have redefined the situation to say that there were in fact good, pro-Persian Empire Jews as opposed to those bad Jews who wanted to return from exile in the Persian Empire to the Land of Israel, from which her great-great-grandfather had been taken as prisoner?
Esther, fortified by the advice of her
beloved uncle’s advice, an appeal to enlightened self-interest, and the only hint in the book of a divine role—her position was the
Creator’s doing so she could fulfill this task--risks her life to stop the mass
murders.
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In addition, Haman reveals part of
his motivation. All his wealth, influence, and power, he explains, mean “nothing
to me every time I see that Jew Mordecai sitting at the palace gate” and
refusing to bow to him. In other words, Haman’s antisemitism exceeds the bounds
of rational calculation. Out of blind hatred, he is willing to risk his own
destruction to wipe out those whose existence he refuses to accept. That’s
pretty relevant for our times.
In contrast is Mordecai’s behavior.
Made prime minister with absolute power by the king in Haman’s place, Mordecai does
not seek to make the Jews the rulers (belying the Protocols of the Elders of
Zion and Islamist ideology) but only for defensive purposes.
The king’s decree permitted the Jews
to, “Assemble and fight for their lives, if any people or province attacks them”
and inflict unlimited vengeance. True, the retribution is horrible in
modern-day terms, extending to the innocent members of families, but limited in
the context of that era.
In contrast to Haman’s claims they
do not take their enemies’ property nor do they seek to conquer the empire, the
Middle East, or the world. They just want to live and be left alone.
What does this story mean for us
today in political, strategic, and intellectual terms?
The indecisive “Esthers” who so often populate the ranks of Western elites should take notice of how she
resolved her dilemma. True, in their modern societies they can escape
persecution because of their high positions. Indeed, by joining the lynch mobs
they can even better secure their positions. They can use this method to appear more virtuous, to earn more praise. Yet in doing so they are not so
much betraying a people they do not recognize as such but rather the principles of justice and
intellectual honesty they claim as their new, post-ethnic, post-religious
loyalty.
And, finally, the main Hamans of our age
are ultimately gunning for them, not solely because they are Jews—since this applies
equally to their Christian counterparts--but because of their countries’
policies and their societies’ values. This is true even if these modern-day, "pre-commitment" Esthers either claim that Haman is really moderate or merely specify that only some (right-wing? Zionist?) Jews are disloyal to the state and its liberal values and strategic interests in order to push a selfish, counterproductive agenda. If those bad Jews are defeated then Haman will leave everyone else alone.
Haman could have lived in peaceful
coexistence with the Jews and spent his time building up the kingdom and helping his own people. Only since he behaved otherwise could the king
decree, “Let the evil plot…recoil on his own head.” In the Middle East’s modern
history this has often happened. Those who have sought to destroy Israel have
brought disaster onto their own heads and that of their own peoples.
Yet it is equally true, in the
Middle East and in lands far away, the ideology of Haman remains very much
alive, even unto Persia itself.
Barry Rubin is director of the Global Research in
International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and editor of the Middle East Review of
International Affairs (MERIA) Journal. His
latest book, Israel: An Introduction, has just been published by Yale
University Press. Other recent books
include The Israel-Arab Reader (seventh edition), The Long War for Freedom: The Arab
Struggle for Democracy in the Middle East (Wiley),
and The Truth About Syria (Palgrave-Macmillan). The website of the GLORIA Center and of his blog, Rubin Reports. His original articles are published at PJMedia.
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