By Barry Rubin
Naturally the question of who won
any given war preoccupies people’s minds. And I’m amused by those who think
that Hamas won the recent conflict. Winning has to mean something real, not
just bragging to reassure oneself.
Let’s begin by examining the causes
and goals of each side. Hamas’s goal was to be able to attack Israel as much as
it wanted without significant retaliation. This time, as in late 2008, the war
began because Hamas escalated the level of its attacks on Israel to
unacceptable levels (more on that phrase in a moment). The same might be said
of Hizballah in 2006.
Israel’s goal was to force Hamas to
the lowest possible level of attacks and to make such attacks as ineffective as
possible. Incidentally, that was also Israel’s strategy in dealing with the
PLO. Attempts to “solve” the problem once and for all, varying from the 1982
invasion of Lebanon to the Oslo peace process of the 1990s didn’t work too well.
Nevertheless, Israel was able to
achieve its more limited aim against Hamas in the later 2008-early 2009 campaign to gain four years of relative quiet. With Hizballah, this goal has now held for six years. That’s not bad
given the reality of contemporary international politics and the Middle Eastern
situation, both of which keep Israel from gaining a “total victory.”
Ideally, of course, there is no good
reason that the world ensure the survival of a terrorist, totalitarian,
illegal, and genocide-oriented regime in the Gaza Strip. Nevertheless, that is
the reality. If the idea of Israel going in on the ground into the Gaza Strip
provoked so much international horror, imagine the reaction to Israel
overthrowing Hamas altogether.
And for Israel to overthrow Hamas it
would either have to govern the Gaza Strip itself, restarting the whole
post-1967 process and facing daily gun battles there or to turn over
the territory to someone else. Since the Palestinian Authority isn’t interested
in such an arrangement and is incapable of even making a serious effort to
overthrow Hamas nobody else is going to do so or take power there.
So Hamas’s survival as ruler of
the Gaza Strip was not some victory in a war that lasted a little over a week
but is guaranteed in effect by the international and regional order. Can Hamas continue to violate the ceasefire? Of course, because Israel's only way of enforcing it is military retaliation and now, as has been true for the last five years, Israel has to consider how to do each one without being blamed for a breakdown in the ceasefire. That won't stop Israel from hitting back with the goal of minimizing Hamas's attacks.
After these two significant factors--which both existed beforehand--it’s all downhill for Hamas. Given the destruction of its weaponry, Hamas is less able to attack than it had been and while every Hamas leader denies it, the vision of their colleagues getting killed does have a deterrent effect on their boldness.
After these two significant factors--which both existed beforehand--it’s all downhill for Hamas. Given the destruction of its weaponry, Hamas is less able to attack than it had been and while every Hamas leader denies it, the vision of their colleagues getting killed does have a deterrent effect on their boldness.
The amount of regional support Hamas
received during the recent war was remarkably low. The anti-Islamist Arab
states wanted Hamas to lose. Iran cheered and sent missiles which is quite
significant but only gets you so far. The Arab street didn’t do much; Syria’s
regime is busy with the civil war; Iraq is for all practical purposes out of
the conflict. Whatever lip service it gives, the Shia Islamist Hizballah didn’t
lift a trigger finger to help Sunni Islamist Hamas.
It was these factors that led Fareed Zaharia, the
influential American commentator—no friend of Israel—who has Obama’s ear
to write a Washington Post piece entitled, "Israel
dominates the new Middle East."
As for Egypt, while the Muslim
Brotherhood regime is 100 percent pro-Hamas, it isn’t going to be dictated to
by its much smaller brother. The Egyptian government has bigger fish to fry. It
is busy consolidating its dictatorship and reeling in almost $10 billion in
foreign aid.
Hamas didn’t consult Cairo over the
escalation that led to this war. Equally bad, Hamas has become entangled with
small jihadist groups that attack both Egypt and Israel. Naturally, the Cairo
government doesn’t care if Israel is the only target but reacts strongly to
being hit itself. So before the escalation the Egyptian government was angry at
Hamas.
There will be times in future when
Cairo will give Hamas full backing but this wasn’t one of them. Moreover, it
seems that the Egyptian government has committed itself to crack down more on
arms’ imports across the Egypt-Gaza border. Of course, that promise might well
not be kept—if only for the bribes paid to Egyptian military officers by smugglers—but retaining the status quo is hardly a victory for Hamas.
The supposed greatest military
achievement of Hamas was sending missiles in the direction of Tel Aviv and
Jerusalem. Yet this was accomplished by taking out most or all of the
explosives in order to extend the range. The Iron Dome system shot down most of
these and little damage was done.
By the end of the war, Hamas was
apparently out of missiles (though not shorter-range rockets). It had lost a
lot of cadre and needs to rebuild part of its infrastructure and most of its
arsenal. Israel faces no such problems. In addition, Israel continues to prosper and advance while the Gaza Strip, in part thanks to Hamas's own strategy, continues to stagnate.
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Of course, Hamas did manage to
terrorize a million Israelis in the south and close down normal life there. This is an accomplishment but something Hamas also did in 2008-2009 with more effectiveness since there was no real
anti-missile defense. Everyone knows that Hamas can do this.
How does that
advance Hamas’s cause of wiping Israel off the map?
And Hamas is no closer to taking over the West
Bank than it’s been in the past, in no small part because of Israel’s behind-the-scenes
efforts. Also of tremendous significance is the fact that the war did not
increase Hamas’s legitimacy with the West. If anything, the opposite is true. While one can find plenty of
objectionable Western media coverage, it was less hostile to Israel than in
2006 or 2008-2009. Part of the gain is due to the fact that the Israeli
government and military have finally learned how to use social media
effectively.
At any rate, no one in the West is
rushing to have diplomatic relations with Hamas or help it out beyond letting
it continue to exist and, of course, terrorize the people of the Gaza Strip and
teach children to grow up to be terrorists. It is a disgusting situation but
not one amenable to change by Israeli action.
So Israel won the war. The problem
is that the word “won” has limited significance and “winning” doesn’t remove
the problem and bring long-term peace. That, however, is in the nature of the situation and not in the war itself.
This inability to obtain total victory is characteristic of Israel's strategic situation for reasons totally extraneous to Israel and which virtually everyone in the country understands, though many foreign observers don't. Israel's big victories in the 1967 and 1973 war did not end the conflict or stop attempts by terrorists to attack into the country. The goal is to discourage them and make it harder for them to succeed.
As a result, Israelis can go about their lives and the country can prosper. Sixty-four years of effort have devastated Israels enemies but brought them not one step closer to wiping it off the map.
This inability to obtain total victory is characteristic of Israel's strategic situation for reasons totally extraneous to Israel and which virtually everyone in the country understands, though many foreign observers don't. Israel's big victories in the 1967 and 1973 war did not end the conflict or stop attempts by terrorists to attack into the country. The goal is to discourage them and make it harder for them to succeed.
As a result, Israelis can go about their lives and the country can prosper. Sixty-four years of effort have devastated Israels enemies but brought them not one step closer to wiping it off the map.
The danger regarding the Gaza Strip is longer-term. As the
Brotherhood consolidates control over Egypt and if a Muslim Brotherhood regime
comes to power in Syria, there might come a day when Hamas has real support
from two powerful Arab states plus Iran. The situation might then resemble that which
Israel faced from Arab nationalist governments in the 1950s-1980s period.
Israel's goal, then, is also to deter even the most hostile, hate-filled Egyptian Islamist regime from going too far in trying to implement the Muslim Brotherhood's genocide program. Its cheering Hamas is not the problem. The issue is how much it will help Hamas and, even more important, whether it will some day fight alongside it. Has this deterrence been increased by the recent war?
Apparently, yes, and that is a very important outcome. Israel has reminded Egypt of its own power; Hamas has showed its Egyptian sponsor that it was not a good team player. Perhaps the better way to put it is that Israel won the battle but the war goes on, as indeed it has for our entire lifetimes.
Israel's goal, then, is also to deter even the most hostile, hate-filled Egyptian Islamist regime from going too far in trying to implement the Muslim Brotherhood's genocide program. Its cheering Hamas is not the problem. The issue is how much it will help Hamas and, even more important, whether it will some day fight alongside it. Has this deterrence been increased by the recent war?
Apparently, yes, and that is a very important outcome. Israel has reminded Egypt of its own power; Hamas has showed its Egyptian sponsor that it was not a good team player. Perhaps the better way to put it is that Israel won the battle but the war goes on, as indeed it has for our entire lifetimes.
Barry Rubin
is director of the Global Research in International Affairs (GLORIA) Center and
editor of the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA) Journal. His
latest book, Israel: An Introduction, has just been published by Yale
University Press. Other recent books
include The Israel-Arab Reader (seventh edition), The Long War for Freedom: The Arab
Struggle for Democracy in the Middle East (Wiley),
and The Truth About Syria (Palgrave-Macmillan). The website of the GLORIA Center and of his blog, Rubin Reports. His original articles are published at PJMedia.
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